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Should Corbyn remain as Labour leader?


Sugar Ape
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Should Corbyn remain as Labour leader?  

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  1. 1. Should Corbyn remain as Labour leader?



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I think Anubis mentioned Chris Leslie should be on the list;

 

https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2017/jun/10/chris-leslie-labour-should-have-won-against-theresa-may-open-goal

 

Labour missed an “open goal” to beat Theresa May and should not pretend it achieved a famous victory, a former shadow chancellor has said.

Chris Leslie, who was Labour shadow chancellor during 2015, labelled it an “OK result” after Jeremy Corbyn’s party secured a higher-than-expected 262 seats and significantly boosted its vote share.

 

 

 

Challenged if Labour could have won under another leader, Leslie said: “I’ve never known a more beatable prime minister than Theresa May – brittle, I think, very, very wobbly and shaky indeed.”

 

 

 

So no answer on who could have done better.

 

 

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/election-2017-40245512/clive-lewis-chris-leslie-s-a-sad-lonely-bitter-man

 

Clive Lewis: Chris Leslie's 'a sad, lonely bitter man'

Labour MP Clive Lewis has criticised party colleague Chris Leslie - a longtime critic of Jeremy Corbyn who said the Labour election result was not good enough and had missed an "open goal".

Mr Lewis told 5 Live's Adrian Goldberg: "I think Chris Leslie is a sad, lonely bitter man."

He admitted that it wasn't the "perfect result", but the Nottingham East MP should have "a little bit of respect" for the progress the party had made under Mr Corbyn.

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That Hades quote must be irony, surely. There's not a person on here who ignores real life in favour of dogma from textbooks as much as him, or who has so little compassion for people who don't share his opinions.

You mean killing or imprisoning everyone who disagrees with him? He's admitted it loads of times but my views are 'extreme'.

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Apologies, if already posted:

 

http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-book-of-jeremy-corbyn

 

THE BOOK OF JEREMY CORBYN

 

And it came to pass, in the land of Britain, that the High Priestess went unto the people and said, Behold, I bring ye tidings of great joy. For on the eighth day of the sixth month there shall be a general election.

And the people said, Not another one.

And they waxed wroth against the High Priestess and said, Didst thou not sware, even unto seven times, that thou wouldst not call a snap election?

And the High Priestess said, I know, I know. But Brexit is come upon us, and I must go into battle against the tribes of France, Germany, and sundry other holiday destinations. And I must put on the armor of a strong majority in the people’s house. Therefore go ye out and vote.

And there came from the temple pollsters, who said, Surely this woman will flourish. For her enemy is as grass; she cutteth him down. He is as straw in the wind, and he will blow away. And the trumpet of her triumph shall sound in all the land.

And the High Priestess said, Piece of cake.

And there came from the same country a prophet, whose name was Jeremy. His beard was as the pelt of beasts, and his raiments were not of the finest. And he cried aloud in the wilderness and said, Behold, I bring you hope.

And suddenly there was with him a host of young people. And he said unto them, Ye shall study and grow wise in all things, and I shall not ask ye for gold. And the sick shall be made well, and they also will heal freely. And he promised unto them all manner of goodly things.

And the young people said unto him, How shall these things be rendered, seeing that thou hast no money in thy purse?

And he spake unto them in a voice of sounding brass and said, Soak the rich. And again, Pull down the mighty from their seats.

And the young people went absolutely nuts.

And they hearkened unto the word of Jeremy, and believed. For they said unto themselves, Lo, he bringeth unto us the desire of our hearts. He cometh by bicycle, with a helmet upon his head. And he eateth neither flesh nor fowl, according to the Scriptures. For man cannot live by bread alone, but hummus is quite another matter.

And the High Priestess saw all these things and was sore. And she gathered unto her the chief scribes and the Pharisees and said unto them, What the hell is going on?

And they said unto her, It is a blip, as if it were a rough place upon the road.

But they said unto themselves, When the government was upon her shoulders, this woman was mighty. But now that she has gone abroad unto every corner of the land, she stumbleth. For surely it is written that ruling and campaigning are as oil and water, and there shall be no concord betwixt them.

And the chief scribes wrote upon tablets, saying, Jeremy is false of tongue. He hideth wickedness in his heart. And his sums do not add up.

And nobody paid any attention.

And the elders rose up and said to the young people, If ye choose Jeremy, he will bring distress in your toils and wailing upon your streets. Do ye not remember the nineteen-seventies?

And the young people said, The what?

And the elders spake again, and said to the young people, Beware, for he gave succor in days of yore to the I.R.A.

And the young people said, The what?

And the young people said, Jeremy shall bring peace unto all nations, for he hateth the engines of war that take wing across the heavens. And he showeth respect for all peoples, even unto the transgender community.

And the elders said, The what?

And it came to pass that the heathen of this land came among the people, with fire and sword, and slew many among the faithful. And great was the lamentation.

And the High Priestess waxed exceeding wroth and said to the people, Fear not. For I shall bind your wounds and give ye shelter from the heathen, and shall take up the sword against them.

And there came again pollsters from the temple, who said, Will the people not vote for her in this hour of need?

And nobody paid any attention.

And it came to the vote.

And the elders went up to vote, and the young people. And the young people were as a multitude. And in the hours of darkness there was much counting. And the young people watched by night, and the elders went to bed.

And there came in the morning news that the High Priestess had vanquished the prophet Jeremy. But the triumph of the High Priestess was as the width of a nail. And she was vexed.

And the elders and the chief scribes and the Pharisees spoke among themselves, yea, even in the corners of their houses.

And there was great rejoicing amidst the multitude of the young. And they took strong wine, and did feast among themselves. And there were twelve baskets left over.

And of the pollsters there was no sign.

And the people saw Jeremy and said, Surely this man has won? Doth he not skip in gladness like a young hart upon the hills?

And there was great murmuring among the elders. And they said unto themselves, Weep not. For the High Priestess doth but prepare the way. Cometh there not one who is greater than she?

And they said, Behold, for the hour of the redeemer is upon us. And his name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, the Prince of Peace. And they cried in one voice, Boris.

And the young people said, Oh, shit.

And the people gave tongue, and made supplication unto the Lord, saying, Lord, let our cry come unto thee.

And the Lord thought the whole thing was absolutely hilarious.

And then the people said, Lord, what shall we do regarding Brexit? For henceforth the High Priestess shall be as weak as a newborn lamb. How shall we hope for continued access to the single market?

And the Lord said, The what?

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https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/jun/13/jeremy-corbyn-brought-ukip-voters-back-labour

 

 

 

Tuesday 13 June 2017 10.00 BST Last modified on Thursday 15 June 2017 08.52 BST

 

“Crush the saboteurs” was one of many deranged front-page headlines to grace the general election campaign, as Theresa May sought to engineer a context in which she could cast the Conservatives as the only party committed to Brexit. The collapse of Ukip after the EU referendum left a pool of voters that defined the general election battleground. Labour were prepared for this long in advance: its backing of a three-line whip on article 50 was ridiculed at the time, yet it now looks like shrewd political positioning.

 

 
 

An election in which the dividing line was whether or not we would be leaving the EU would have handed May’s party a substantial majority. Had Labour attempted to obstruct article 50, it is likely that an election would have been called last year, wiping out many Labour MPs in their heartland constituencies, which voted overwhelmingly for leave.

 

But having taken the decision to respect the result of the referendum, Labour was able to shift the debate to domestic issues, aided somewhat by the leak of its manifesto. The ensuing intrigue generated wall-to-wall coverage of Labour policy in the lead-up to the official launch, postponing scrutiny of costings until days later.

 

Despite having called the election, the Conservatives appeared unprepared in their policy development, seemingly hopeful that the battleground would be simply whether or not Brexit would be carried out. There seemed little acknowledgement of what Brexit meant beyond leaving the EU. As David Frum, senior editor at the Atlantic, argued: “Brexiteers promised £350 million a week extra for the NHS. They delivered a dementia tax instead. That the winning argument for Brexit was a (deceptive) promise of more government spending should have been a warning to anti-EU Tories.”

 

While Labour didn’t tour the country in a red bus promising £350m a week extra for the NHS, there were costed pledges to increase funding – not just for the health service but for all our public services – and a commitment not to raise taxes for 95% of earners. The Conservatives made only vague promises to increase NHS funding, and then ruled out raising taxes for only the top 5% – essentially making Labour’s argument for them.

 

When May stood on the steps of No 10 for the first time as prime minister, she appeared to acknowledge the discontent that led a majority of Britons to opt to depart from the status quo. She seemed to recognise that the system was clearly not working for most people. Yet her party went into a general election that it did not need to call, producing no transformative policies whatsoever. This ceded vital ground to Jeremy Corbyn – who, with a catalogue of popular policies, was able to capitalise on the anti-establishment Ukip vote in many constituencies in England.

 

 

Many former Labour voters who had switched to Ukip had done so out of disillusionment with New Labour

 

There was an assumption before the election that these Ukip supporters would back the Conservatives, that Ukip was the “gateway drug” that would enable lifelong Labour supporters to vote for May, who before the start of the campaign was very popular with the electorate. But many former Labour voters who had switched to Ukip in previous elections had done so out of disillusionment with New Labour, which lost 5m votes between 1997 and 2010.

 

Labour’s policy platform under Corbyn, and crucially the party’s respect for the result of the referendum, helped to win those Ukip voters back. The lazy caricature of Ukip supporters in the north of England as caring only about immigration was buried, as those voters chose instead Labour’s viable plan to improve their material wealth.

 

There were no Controls on Immigration mugs, nor any desire to engage in the immigration debate beyond stating that freedom of movement would end. Instead of trying to address people’s “legitimate concerns” about immigration, Labour put forward a programme that offered hope – a plan to relieve economic insecurity. It is the very tensions that economic insecurity generates that create the context for the far right to peddle their anti-immigrant agenda.

 

If the Conservatives had wanted to attract Labour supporters in the north, they needed to be more conscious that these voters would probably be looking for any reason not to vote Tory. So May’s decision to duck the debates, her media performances, her awkwardness with the public and the “dementia tax” gave them more than enough reasons – but what cut through more than anything were her views on foxhunting.

 

 

May’s first speech on the steps of No 10 after becoming prime minister was an attempt to recast herself as not just a competent leader, but as a different kind of Conservative – one who would appeal to working class Labour voters. Backing foxhunting did not fit with how the public had started to perceive her. From then onwards, to many who may have considered voting for her, she simply looked like just another Tory. The general election has damaged not just her party, but her carefully choreographed image – an image that delivered record approval ratings before the election was called. May’s limitations as a political leader make it unlikely that these ratings will ever recover.

 

Yet Corbyn’s approval ratings have improved considerably since the start of the campaign. The public was finally able to see him for who he was. Like Bernie Sanders, his consistency and his principles are evidence of his integrity. People recognised that he was a different kind of politician, that he genuinely wanted to take on the establishment. This is precisely what made him so appealing to the former Ukip voters the Conservatives thought they had in the bag. But it was taking the entire electorate for granted that cost them their majority.

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