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Theresa "MAY" not build a better Britain.


Guest Pistonbroke
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If I had to pick one I despise most it would be Johnson. An ardent Remainer who jumped on the Leave bandwagon because he thought it would lose, but by doing it he’d hoover up leave votes when he threw his hat in the ring to succeed Cameron. An untrustworthy snake oil salesman with a low animal cunning and who overestimates his own political ability.

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31 minutes ago, Anubis said:

If I had to pick one I despise most it would be Johnson. An ardent Remainer who jumped on the Leave bandwagon because he thought it would lose, but by doing it he’d hoover up leave votes when he threw his hat in the ring to succeed Cameron. An untrustworthy snake oil salesman with a low animal cunning and who overestimates his own political ability.

Yep pretty much my view, I don't actually mind Jacob Rees-Mogg, he's a fictional character who is being rendered more and more ridiculous by the day. Johnson however is actually deranged, incompetent and genuinely dangerous for the country if he ever gets his hands on the levers of power.

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11 minutes ago, clangers said:

Yep pretty much my view, I don't actually mind Jacob Rees-Mogg, he's a fictional character who is being rendered more and more ridiculous by the day. Johnson however is actually deranged, incompetent and genuinely dangerous for the country if he ever gets his hands on the levers of power.

This the same monocled wanker who has earned 105mil over the last 5 years and not paid a penny tax on it? Aye he’s a real character that mendacious turd.

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I'd agree with that, except Johnson wasn't really an 'ardent Remainer'. As a Daily Telegraph correspondent, he was responsible for a lot of the stupid 'EU bans straight bananas'-type stories in the '90s.

 

He is extremely dangerous though. Fortunately, his political sense seems to have deserted him recently and he's pissed off a lot of Tories who've seen through his fairly obvious ambition and lack of morals.

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1 hour ago, Trumo said:

Whatever the outcome of this shitshow, May should have the phrase "Will of the British people" cattle-branded onto her forehead. Not carved on like in Inglourious Basterds. I'm not a cruel person.

Hung drawn and quartered for me. These cunts are so fond of keeping English traditions alive. Bring it on.

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Dominic Grieve is a National Hero?! 

 

Is this the same Dominic Grieve that voted in favour of repealing the Human Rights act? Or the one that voted to stop support for the development of a fairer society where a human beings potential is not limited by discrimination or prejudice? Or the one that voted to stop a scheme that guaranteed young people a job so they could turn their lives around?

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1 hour ago, Boss said:

 

Dominic Grieve is a National Hero?! 

 

Is this the same Dominic Grieve that voted in favour of repealing the Human Rights act? Or the one that voted to stop support for the development of a fairer society where a human beings potential is not limited by discrimination or prejudice? Or the one that voted to stop a scheme that guaranteed young people a job so they could turn their lives around?

Yes. And the one who tried to stop cunt Brexit from cunting people in the cunt. 

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1 hour ago, Boss said:

 

Dominic Grieve is a National Hero?! 

 

Is this the same Dominic Grieve that voted in favour of repealing the Human Rights act? Or the one that voted to stop support for the development of a fairer society where a human beings potential is not limited by discrimination or prejudice? Or the one that voted to stop a scheme that guaranteed young people a job so they could turn their lives around?

Well, he is still a Tory.

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Sensible stuff from Brown. What should have been done from the start, and not this attempted hard right coup.

Quote

 

After a week that ended in an atmosphere of chaos, confusion, acrimony, hostility and mistrust, MPs are once again trying to construct a Brexit majority for something – or anything. Having lived for years now away from the Westminster bubble, I am clear that even if parliament struggles to an 11th-hour compromise on Monday, there will be little buy-in from the public. And even if for a moment there are sighs of relief, the country will still be as divided as ever.

 

Opinion poll after opinion poll has rejected not just Theresa May’s deal and the no-deal option, but the Canada, Norway, Switzerland and Efta options, the last three of which would leave Britain as a rule-taker rather than a rule-maker. And while MPs deserve credit for trying, there is unlikely to be a majority in the country for a deal cobbled together over a weekend on the basis of MPs’ third or fourth choices that could decide the next 100 years of our history.


There are some precedents from the last two centuries to guide us when there is both a standoff between government and parliament, and a deadlock within parliament itself. Ending the impasse over the Corn Laws, dealing with Irish independence, legislating the extension of the vote from 1832 onwards, and more recently dealing with the undemocratic power of the House of Lords all required the same innovative leadership and the courage to break with the past that we need today.

 

But from next week we face a challenge comparable to, or greater than, all of these: how we deal with both a stalemate on policy, and a complete breakdown of trust between parliament and the public. And there can be no outcome acceptable to the British people that does not find new and effective ways of engaging with them.

But as one door closes, another is opening. Last week the European council showed an openness to what we might call – if the word “meaningful” had not been so devalued – a meaningful extension: a longer negotiating period, not as a delaying tactic or for a return to vicious squabbling, but to reunite a divided country. And we should do what should have been done three years ago: establish region-by-region public hearings to allow straight talking and clear thinking about the concerns that brought about Brexit in the first place. A year’s extension would allow us to pursue a British version of Ireland’s successful experience in participatory democracy when they held citizens’ assemblies, to find common ground on deeply divisive issues in advance of a referendum.

 

There were many concerns raised by the British public in the 2016 EU referendum, such as the state of our manufacturing and our industrial towns, and a feeling that our politicians had let us down and had lost the plot in our post-imperial journey. But when it came to the specifics of Britain’s relationship with Europe, the issues that dominated were those of “taking back control of our borders”, and “taking back control of our laws”. These issues have been little discussed over the past three years as parliament has been engrossed in the minutiae of Brexit, and possible solutions to them need to be scrutinised in nationwide consultations in advance of any future referendum.

Options for more “control of our laws” could include parliament passing a UK law that any decision of the European court that offends our national and constitutional identity, and is thus in violation of article 4 (2) of the treaty of Lisbon, is unconstitutional. Options for more “control of our borders” could include registering migrants as they arrive, as Germany does, and imposing a time limit on any stay without gaining employment, as in Belgium. And outlawing, as France has, social dumping: the practice of paying Latvian workers only Latvian wages while working in France.

 

All these changes are achievable within the EU’s freedom of movement rules. After Monday a year-long extension to conduct public hearings – once at the bottom of the list of options – may not just be the best alternative to no deal, but the only alternative.


I have reason to believe that the problems raised by the European election timetable can be negotiated away by indirect elections – selecting a contingent of MPs from our own parliament – and by not participating in the election of the presidents of the European commission and parliament.

 

If we do not now promote the open and informed public debate that’s required, future historians will conclude that our country turned its back not only on our long history of internationalism and engagement, but also on our once globally renowned traditions of pragmatism, rationality and evolutionary progress. However, by striking out on a new path, we can still save our country from decades of recriminations and decline at home, and diminution in the eyes of the world.

 

 

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